Abhisit Vejjajiva อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ |
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Prime Minister of Thailand
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Incumbent | |
Assumed office 17 December 2008 |
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Monarch | Bhumibol Adulyadej |
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Preceded by | Chaovarat Chanweerakul (Acting) |
Leader of the Opposition
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In office 23 December 2007 – 17 December 2008 |
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Prime Minister | Samak Sundaravej Somchai Wongsawat Chaovarat Chanweerakul (Acting) |
Preceded by | Parliament reestablished |
Succeeded by | Yongyuth Wichaidit |
In office 6 March 2005 – 19 September 2006 |
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Prime Minister | Thaksin Shinawatra Chitchai Wannasathit (Acting) Thaksin Shinawatra |
Preceded by | Banyad Bantadthan |
Succeeded by | Parliament prorogued |
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Born | 3 August 1964 Newcastle upon Tyne, United Kingdom[1][2] |
Political party | Democrat Party |
Spouse(s) | Pimpen Sakuntabhai |
Children | Prang Vejjajiva Punnasit Vejjajiva[3] |
Alma mater | St John's College, Oxford Ramkhamhaeng University |
Profession | Economist[4] |
Religion | Buddhism |
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Abhisit Vejjajiva (English pronunciation; Thai: อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ (Thai pronunciation), RTGS: Aphisit Wetchachiwa, [à.pʰí.sìt wêːt.tɕʰāː.tɕʰīː.wáʔ], born 3 August 1964) is the 27th and current Prime Minister of Thailand.
He has been the leader of the Democrat Party since February 2005. Abhisit successfully ran for MP in Bangkok under the Democrat Party in the 1992 election, which followed the 1991 NPKC military coup. Abhisit quickly rose through party ranks but failed in a bid to become party leader in 2001. Abhisit became party leader after the Party's overwhelming defeat in the 2005 elections.
During the 2005-2006 Thai political crisis, Abhisit called for King Bhumibol Adulyadej to appoint a replacement to Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. In a rare public speech, Bhumibol responded, "Asking for a Royally-appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is, pardon me, a mess. It is irrational".[5] Under Abhisit's leadership, senior Democrat Party members accused Thaksin of what they called the Finland Plot, a supposed plan to overthrow the monarchy and establish a republic. Abhisit boycotted the 2006 elections.[6] Abhisit voiced displeasure at the 2006 coup that overthrew Thaksin, but otherwise did not protest it or the military junta that ruled Thailand for over a year. An Attorney-General's Office fact-finding panel found that the Democrat Party bribed other parties to boycott the 2006 elections to force a constitutional crisis, and recommended dissolving the Democrats. The new Constitutional Court acquitted Abhisit and the Democrats of the vote bribery charges, while banning Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party for the same charges. Abhisit supported the junta's 2007 Constitution, calling it an improvement on the 1997 Constitution.[7] The Democrat Party lost the junta-administered 2007 election to the People's Power Party.
In the crisis that followed, some Democrat Party members became leaders of the People's Alliance for Democracy, which, after 6 months of demonstrations and a police crackdown on 7 October 2008, besieged Don Muang Airport and Suvarnabhumi Airports. Abhisit voiced displeasure at the sieges, but did not stop his deputies from their leadership of the PAD.[8] The sieges ended after the Constitutional Court banned the People's Power Party. Several PPP MPs, including those from the Friends of Newin Group, formed new parties and supported the Democrat Party leader Abhisit to be elected Prime Minister.[9][10]
Abhisit became Premier during a global economic crisis and faced escalating domestic political tension. During Songkran of 2009, National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) protesters disrupted the Fourth East Asia Summit.[11] The protests shifted to Bangkok. Abhisit declared a state of emergency. Protests against the government escalated during March and April 2010, with the UDD demanding immediate elections. Abhisit declared the protests unconstitutional. Televised negotiations between Abhisit and UDD leaders failed to set an election date. Abhisit declared a state of emergency on 8 April, one day after a group of protesters stormed into the parliament while in session. TV and community radio stations that supported the protesters were subsequently shut down. 24 people including troops and innocent protesters were killed and over 800 injured in an unsuccessful attempt to crack down on protesters on 10 April. On 16 April, Abhisit formally relinquished command over protest control to the chief of the Army.[12] A UDD proposal to hold elections in 3 months was rejected outright by Abhisit on TV. On 3 May, Abhisit announced a reconciliatory roadmap which included elections on 14 November. The roadmap was tentatively accepted by the protesters with additional demands of withdrawal of troops and prosecution of the head of security commander in relation to the April 10 incident. Abhisit insisted his offer for the Roadmap and the 14 November elections were not for negotiation and confirmed that the rally must end before May 15. Tensions escalated as the UDD stood firm. A large-scale military pressure on protesters occurred from 13 to 19 May, leaving over 85 deaths, and over 1250 injuries by 8.30 pm on 18 May, mostly from clashes outside the main protest encampments. Reporters Without Borders found it "deplorable that the authorities are using the state of emergency to censor neutral or opposition news outlets," while the Thai Journalists Association criticized the "one-sided information" presented by TV stations, which are all government-owned.[13][14][15][16][17] Abhisit made it his government's top priority to censor media and prosecute people questioning the role of the Privy Council and the King in politics. However, he was criticized by Privy Councilor Kamthon Sindhavananda for being slow to respond to alleged insults.[18] In its 2010 report, Human Rights Watch praised Abhisit's rhetoric but dismissed his record, noting, "The government continually undermined respect for human rights and due process of law in Thailand."[19] Numerous cases of government corruption occurred under Abhisit's leadership. Abhisit's Social Development and Human Security Minister Vitoon Nambutr resigned after procuring rotten canned fish for flood stricken refugees, and Public Health Minister Vittaya Kaewparadai resigned after gross overpayment of items under the massive Thai Khem Khaeng (Strong Thailand) stimulus program. [20][21] Abhisit also oversaw rising tension with Cambodia over several issues, including the appointment of controversial PAD leader Kasit Piromya as Foreign Minister, violent border clashes over Preah Vihear, and the appointment of Thaksin Shinawatra as economic advisor to the Cambodian government.
Mr. Abhisit was born in Newcastle upon Tyne, England and educated at Eton.[22] He then went on to gain a bachelor degree in philosophy, politics and economics (PPE), first class honors, and a master degree in economics, both from Oxford University.[23] Apart from his native language, he speaks fluent English.
Abhisit's father, Athasit Vejjajiva, was the President of Mahidol University, and was appointed Deputy Public Health Minister by the National Peace Keeping Council military junta. Athasit's grandfather is a wealthy merchant with an elder brother, Phra Bamrad Naradura (Long Vejjajiva), who had previously served as public health minister some 50 years prior.[24] Athasit was also President of the Royal Institute of Thailand, and during Abhisit's Premiership, Director of Charoen Pokphand Foods, Thailand's largest agribusiness firm, and part of the Charoen Pokphand Group, a large family-owned agribusiness, retail, and telecommunications conglomerate.[25][26]
The Vejjajivas are members of a prominent family of Thai Chinese that are of Hakka origin that maintained good relationships with the Thai ruling elite from as early as the late 18th century.[27][28][29] The family's Chinese surname is Yuan (Chinese: 袁; pinyin: Yuán).[30][31] In the reign of Rama VI, the surname "Vejjajiva" was bestowed upon Yuan-clan Lopburi provincial physician Sub-Lieutenant Dr. Long (Thai: หลง), his father, and grandfather."[32]
Abhisit is married to Pimpen Sakuntabhai, a former dentist and now a lecturer at the Department of Mathematics at Chulalongkorn University. They have two children: Prang Vejjajiva (daughter) and Pannasit Vejjajiva (son). Abhisit has two sisters: child psychiatrist Alisa Wacharasindhu and author Ngarmpun Vejjajiva.[33]
The National Peace Keeping Council seized power in a military coup in 1991 and appointed Abhisit's father Deputy Minister of Public Health.[34][35] Abhisit began his political career in the 1992 general elections that followed the coup, becoming a Bangkok MP for the Democrat Party. He was re-elected to the same seat in the 1995 and 1996 general elections. In the elections of 2001 and 2005, he returned to parliament as a Party List MP for the Democrat Party. He has served as Democrat Party spokesman, Government spokesman, Deputy-Secretary to the Prime Minister for Political Affairs, Chairman of the House Education Affairs Committee, and Minister to the Prime Minister's Office.
Abhisit has occasionally been criticized for relying on his good looks to support his career. Morgan Stanley economist Daniel Lian, in a letter to then PM Thaksin, reportedly asked, "Other than his pretty young face, what else can he offer to the Thai people?"[36] However, The Nation, a local English-language newspaper more sympathetic to the Democrats, responded that "Abhisit's ammunition is pure decency [and] unrivalled talent.".[37]
In 2001, Abhisit made a bid for party leadership, taking on a seasoned politician Banyat Bantadtan. Abhisit lost. However, Banyat led the Democrats to an overwhelming defeat by Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party in the 2005 legislative elections. Banyat resigned and Abhisit was chosen to replace him.
When Prime Minister Thaksin called a snap election on 25 February 2006, Abhisit said he was "prepared to become a prime minister who adheres to the principles of good governance and ethics, not authoritarianism." The very next day, however, he announced that the Democrat Party, along with other opposition parties, would boycott the elections. Abhisit joined the Thai Nation Party's Banharn Silpa-Archa and Mahachon Party's Sanan Kachornprasart in claiming that the elections "lacked legitimacy" and were an attempt by Thaksin to "divert public attention" from his tax free sales of the Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. Abhisit also said what was likely from the short time allowed "was an election that would yield the outcome Mr Thaksin was expecting."
Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai Party won an overwhelming majority in the virtually uncontested April 2006 election as suspected by Abhisit. In a number of Democrat-stronghold constituencies, fewer than 20% of eligible voters voted, thus not meeting the minimum required by the constitution. The Election Commission planned for by-elections to fill the vacant seats, and decided to allow parties that had previously boycotted the election to contest the by-elections. The Democrat Party sued the Election Commission, claiming that it had no right to allow new parties to contest the by-elections. A constitutional crisis loomed, as the constitution obligated the formation of a new government within 30 days of the election, but a new government could not be formed due to the vacant seats.
Thai Rak Thai later charged the Democrat Party with bribing other small political parties into boycotting the April 2006 elections. The Democrats denied this allegation and were acquitted of the charges by the Constitutional Tribunal on 30 May 2007.
On 28 June 2006 an 11-member fact-finding panel headed by Deputy Attorney-General Chaikasem Nitisiri voted unanimously to dissolve the Democrat party (as well as the Thai Rak Thai party and 3 other parties) based on evidence that the party bribed other small opposition parties into boycotting the election of 2 April 2006.[38][39]
In February 2007, candidates from the Progressive Democratic Party testified before the Constitution Tribunal that they were duped into registering for candidacy in the April elections.[40] Three witnesses also testified that Democrat leaders Thaworn Senniam, Wirat Kalayasiri, and Jua Ratchasi encouraged protesters to disrupt the registration of candidates during the by-elections after the April 2006 election. Prosecutors contended that the party tried to disqualify the election results and force continuous rounds of by-elections.[41] The defense claimed that the witnesses were hired by the Thai Rak Thai party to discredit the Democrats. Eventually, the Constitutional Tribunal acquitted the Democrat Party of all charges, while finding the Thai Rak Thai Party guilty of the same charges.[42][43]
On 29 April Abhisit announced his candidacy for Prime Minister at the Democrat Party annual convention. He promised an "agenda for people", with education as the main focus. He used the campaign slogan "Putting People First". He also vowed not to privatise basic utilities such as the electricity and water supply and to nationalize state enterprises that Thaksin had already privatized.[44] Regarding core elements of the so-called "Thaksinomics", Abhisit promised "the benefits from certain populist policies, such as the 30-Baht healthcare scheme, the Village Fund and the SML (Small Medium Large) scheme, will not be revoked but instead improved." He later urged that Thaksin's popular 30-Baht healthcare scheme should be replaced with a system where access to medical services is totally free.[45] Abhisit stated that all future Democrat MPs would have to declare their assets and any involvement in private companies. (By law, only members of the cabinet need to declare their assets.)[46]
Abhisit raised over Bt200 million at the Democrat Party's 60th Anniversary dinner. He outlined several energy policies, including increasing dividend payments from state-owned oil company PTT and using the funds to repay Oil Fund debts and having state-owned electric utility EGAT absorb part of the rising fuel prices.[47] Abhisit later outlined plans to reduce retail petrol prices by eliminating the 2.50 baht/litre tax used to maintain the government's Oil Fund.[48]
On 13 July 2006, Abhisit promised to deal with escalating violence in the South by making the problems in the Southern provinces a public agenda.[38]
Abhisit also promised many populist policies including providing free education, textbooks, milk, and supplemental foods for nursery school students and increasing the minimum wage.[49]
On 19 September 2006, only weeks before the scheduled elections, the military seized power in the 2006 Thailand coup. Abhisit voiced his disapproval of the coup just hours before all political activities were banned:
“ | We cannot and do not support any kind of extra-constitutional change, but it is done. The country has to move forward and the best way forward is for the coup leaders to quickly return power to the people and carry out the reforms they promised. They have to prove themselves. I urge them to lift all restrictions as soon as possible. There is no need to write a brand new constitution. They could make changes to the 1997 constitution and if that's the case, there is no reason to take a year. Six months is a good time.[50] | ” |
Abhisit promised the junta-appointed Premier, Surayud Chulanont, his full support.[51] Abhisit also supported the military junta's 2007 draft constitution on the grounds that it was the "lesser of two evils". Abhisit said the Democrat Party considered the new constitution similar to the 1997 Constitution, but with improvements as well as faults. "If we wanted to please the Council for National Security we would reject the draft so it could pick a charter of its own choosing. If we reject the draft, it will be like handing out power to the Council. We have come up with this stand because we care about national interest and want democracy to be restored soon," he said.[7] Acknowledging the flaws of the new Constitution, Abhisit has also proposed, along with asking for cooperation from other political parties, to amend the Constitution once he is in power.[52]
The Democrat Party was left in the opposition after the December 2007 parliamentary election, as Samak Sundaravej of the People's Power Party was able to form a six-party coalition. In a parliamentary vote on 28 January 2008, Abhisit was defeated by Samak for the post of Prime Minister, receiving 163 votes against 310 votes for Samak.[53]
Following the Constitutional Court of Thailand's removal of prime minister Samak Sundaravej in 2008 for vested interests by taking a salary from a cooking show while in the seat of PM, Abhisit lost the National Assembly vote for Prime Minister by 163 votes to 298 for Somchai Wongsawat, ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra's brother in law.[54] On 2 December 2008, the Constitutional Court banned the three government parties for election fraud, including the PPP, thus dissolved the governing coalition and paving the way for a Democrat-led government. The Court also banned Somchai from politics for five years for his involvement in the scandal as one of PPP's executive board member and removed him from office; he was succeeded by a deputy.
After Somchai was removed and the PPP dissolved, the MPs of the parties which had been in coalition with the PPP forged a new coalition with the Democrat Party, which had been in opposition until then. Defectors included MPs from the Friends of Newin faction of the PPP and of the Neutral Democratic Party that organized in the Bhumjaithai Party, the Puea Pandin Party, the Chartthaipattana Party, and the Rum Chart Pattana Party.[55] The Democrat-led coalition was able to endorse Abhisit as Prime Minister.[56][57][58] Abhisit became Prime Minister after winning a vote in parliament on 15 December 2008.[59]
Abhisit was formally endorsed by King Bhumibol Adulyadej as Prime Minister on 17 December 2008. Abhisit ascended to power amid a global economic crisis, continued divisions between his PAD/palace/military/urban supporters and UDD/rural critics/police.
Key appointments in Abhisit's government included PAD leader Kasit Piromya as Foreign Minister, construction tycoon Chaovarat Chanweerakul as Interior Minister, and investment banker and former Abhisit classmate Korn Chatikavanij as Finance Minister.[60] Abhisit, who was widely criticized for appointing Kasit as Foreign Minister, defended his selection, saying that "Khun Kasit [Piromya] has been picked for his experience. He has been ambassador to a number of key countries, he's a very knowledgeable person on the economy. He may have addressed or joined some of the rallies but if he has done anything illegal he will be prosecuted."[61] Massage parlor tycoon Pornthiva Nakasai was appointed Deputy Commerce Minister. Abhisit denied that there was any bargaining or deal-making behind the appointment of his Cabinet.[62]
Abhisit's first act as Prime Minister was to send SMS texts to tens of millions of Thai mobile phone users. The message, signed "Your PM", asked people to help him solve the country's crisis. Interested phone users were asked to send back their postal codes, at a cost of three baht. Abhisit was criticized for violating privacy regulations in the mass SMS. The National Telecommunication Commission says that mobile phone service providers may not exploit client information, including phone numbers, without their consent. However, it did not seek actions against Abhisit.[63][64]
In early 2009, the Democrat Party was accused by the Opposition of receiving 258 million baht in illegal donations from businessman-turned-politician Prachai Leophairatana. Prachai was the founder of failed petrochemical firm TPI Polene (which was under rehabilitation under the Financial Institutions Development Fund) as well as advertising shell companies Messiah Business and Creation. In the lead-up to the 2005 general election, while Abhisit was Deputy Party Leader, TPI Polene allegedly transferred the funds to Messiah Business and Creation, which then transferred the funds to senior Democrat Party leaders and their relatives in batches of less than 2 million baht each to over 70 separate bank accounts (2 million baht is the maximum that banks can transfer without reporting to the Anti-Money Laundering Office).[65] The opposition claimed that the Democrats never reported the donation, which was far in excess to legal limits, to the Election Commission.[66] Abhisit denied the allegations, claiming that his party's accounts had been checked by auditors. Other Democrat Party leaders claimed that "the alleged donation never took place" and that the "party never obtained it."[67] Receiving and using an unlawful donation could result in the dissolution of the Democrat Party and the banning of its executives from political office for violating the Political Party Act.
The Opposition raised the issue in a debate of no-confidence, and accused Abhisit of approving false account reports for 2004 and 2005 to the EC and filing false information.[68] The government won the vote, despite the Bangkok Post calling the evidence against the Democrats "overwhelming" and even the pro-Democrat Nation called the Opposition's presentation "clear-cut."[69][70] However, the scandal was subsequently investigated by the Department of Special Investigation. The DSI prepared a 7,000 page report which it submitted to the Election Commission in early 2010. The EC claimed that the DSI report contained many holes.
In January 2009, CNN investigations revealed that up to 1,000 Rohingya refugees from Myanmar had been captured by the Thai Navy, beaten, then towed out to sea without engines or navigational aids and with little food and water. Abhisit's initial response was to claim that the media reports were "exaggerated" and that the refugees would "sail on boats without engines or sink their ships so that authorities help them to get onshore." Army Commander Anupong Paojinda denied the reports of abuse.[71]
On 20 January, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) requested that the Thai government provide them access to the 126 surviving boat people in their custody.[72] Abhisit said he was "glad to work with international organisations" but that such organizations would have to work on a cooperative basis with proper Thai government procedures. The military said it had "no clear information" about refugees in its custody.[73]
Further media investigations revealed that refugees had very recently been cleared from a detention center but were nowhere to be found. A Thai Navy officer was interviewed, saying that "We have to take the engines off the boats or they will come back. The wind will carry them to India or somewhere."[74] Abhisit then promised a thorough military-led investigation, but simultaneously issued a blanket denial of abuse on behalf of the military. The investigation was led by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), the same unit in charge of refugee arrivals.[75]
The ISOC investigation cleared all the government officials involved. Consequently, ISOC continued to be in charge of refugee arrivals.[76]
Abhisit's deputy, Suthep Thaugsuban, suggested the entire situation was cooked up to besmirch Thailand's image.[77] Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya claimed that the CNN reports were incorrect and called for people not to "believe what the world says about Rohingya."[78][79]
UNHCR goodwill ambassador Angelina Jolie criticised Thai government of ignoring the plight of Rohinyas and suggested that Thai government should take better care of the Burmese ethnics. The Foreign Ministry reprimanded the UNHCR, noting that the UNHCR had "no mandate" and saying that the matter should not be mentioned by it and its "guests."[80][81] Abhisit was criticized by both Thai and international commentators for defending the military at the expense of protecting the human rights of the refugees. "We are not going to see the Abhisit government going after the military because it was instrumental in his assumption of office," said political scientist Thitinan Pongsudhirak.[82][83]
The Abhisit government was charged in numerous cases of corruption, particularly relating to spending under the Thai Khem Khaeng economic stimulus program. After much public pressure, Abhisit appointed Banlu Siripanich head of an investigative committee to investigate allegations within the Ministry of Public Health. Banlu's committee found that:
Public Health Minister and Democrat MP Witthaya Kaewparadai, Deputy Minister and Democrat MP Manit Nop-amornbodi (who was in charge of the projects), the Minister's former secretary Siriwan Prassajaksattru, and the Minister's advisor Krissada Manoonwong were found guilty. Minister Witthaya resigned from the Cabinet after the commission's findings became public. However, Deputy Minister Manit refused to resign.[21][84] After resigning, Witthaya was promoted to Chief Government Whip.
After flooding in Phatthalung province, the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security used a combination of government funds and public donations to buy relief goods for affected villagers. The canned fish that was distributed was found to be rotten, leading to public accusations of corruption in the procurement of the fish. Democrat Minister Vitoon Nambutr denied that corruption had occurred, given that the fish was purchased using donations rather than government funds. However, he later resigned under pressure, and was replaced by another Democrat MP.[20][21][85]
Abhisit's government came under accusations that the 26 billion baht Sufficiency Economy Community project was tainted with corruption. The Sufficiency Economy Community project was a populist measure designed to counter Thaksin-era projects in rural Thailand.[86] Abhisit replied to the accusations by suggesting that the "alleged malpractice might have originated during the period when the office was in charge of managing small, medium, and large (SML) enterprises…. The SML project was created by the Thaksin Shinawatra government."[87] Deputy Prime Minister Korbsak Sabhavasu was the Director of the Sufficiency Economy Office for Community Development, and his brother Prapote Sabhavasu was the Deputy Director. The scandal escalated, causing Korbsak to resign from the Office, but to remain as Deputy Prime Minister. The Democrat Party set up a panel to investigate the irregularities. The party's panel found that both Korbsak and his brother were not involved in the corruption.[88][89] Korbsak was promoted to Abhisit's Secretary General.
Abhisit expands e-Customs to improve transparency and discretion of custom officials. “Corruption rests at the roots of Thailand's current political problems and public resentment about social and economic gaps within the country”. Corruption has always been a trigger to all sorts of conflicts in Thailand. "Even though we have systems and laws and organisations dedicated to countering corruption, it remains a long-standing problem." Still, corruption can be seen in every part of the society. Abhisit says that enforcing the laws more seriously does not work on its own, ensuring a sufficient salaries within the civil service to introduce gradual and persistent efforts of “morals and a sense of civic duty among staff, department heads and leaders” [90]
Abhisit continued the Surayud junta's policy of compulsory licensing of pharmaceuticals, claiming that it complied with the World Trade Organisation's agreement on intellectual property. As of March 2009, he warned that compulsory licensing would not be expanded if the US downgraded Thailand's trade status.[91]
Dispite the opposing voices, Abhisit continues to support public health protection and refuses to drop the Medical Malpractice Victim Protection Bill on the on-going legislative process furthermore, set up a national-level committee to improve the draft before sending the final copy to the parliament. "We need to push ahead with the legislation. For some contentious points in this bill, all sides just need to talk and cooperate," Abhisit spoke after a meeting with the Network for People's Medical Protection representatives and the Federation of Medical Workers, where both sides seeks to have a national committee set-up to improve the bill.[92]
Abhisit's information and communications technology (ICT) policy focused on censorship of internet sites that he considered offensive to the monarchy. Abhisit's ICT minister, Ranongruk Suwunchwee, met with officials of TOT and CAT (both state-owned telecommunications firms) only in 2009 to inform them of the policy. 45 million baht was spent on a war room where government staff worked around the clock to block websites from access in Thailand. By September 2009, more than 17,000 "offensive" websites were blocked.[93] Long-standing turnaround plans for the struggling state telecoms enterprises were not implemented, and the two firms focused on routine operations.[94]
Abhisit was an innovator in using advertising to improve the public image of his government. Advertising spending by the Prime Minister's Office increased by nearly 40% in the period from January-September 2009, compared to the previous year. The Prime Minister's Office became the third largest advertiser in Thailand, behind only Unilever and P&G and ahead of Toyota and Bayer. In addition, the Defence Ministry's advertising budget, largely focused on "educating" the rural public in Thaksin-strongholds about democracy, increased by over 40% in the same period. Individual Ministers and Deputy Ministers also engaged firms to advertise themselves.[95][96][97]
The Democrat Party under Abhisit's leadership proposed a stricter new lese majeste law that would make "contemptuous tones" and putting inaccurate content about the Thai monarchy on the Internet a criminal offense with a jail term of between three to twenty years or a fine ranging from 200,000 to 800,000 baht.[98] At the same time, the Democrat Party accused 29 websites of having content and posted comments which they deemed harmful to the monarchy.[99]
Abhisit approved the purchase of 6 JAS 39 Gripen fighter aircraft from Sweden, on top of the 6 aircraft purchased by the military junta of Surayud Chulanont. The aircraft will be purchased for 19.5 billion baht.[100]
In a reshuffle of military staff, Abhisit appointed many officers close to Anupong Paojinda and Prayuth Chan-ocha, to senior positions. Officers suspected of being close to Thaksin Shinawatra were, in the words of the Bangkok Post, "purged." Jiradet Mokasmit was appointed the First Army Corps Commander Weewalit Jornsamrit was appointed the Second Army Corps Commander.[101]
Censorship worsened under the Abhisit government compared to the government of Thaksin Shinawatra.[102] Abhisit established a special task-force to combat a supposed explosion of critical comment regarding the role of the Thai monarchy in politics. It launched a website encouraging people to inform on alleged offenders. Nearly 4,800 web pages were blocked for allegedly being insulting to the monarchy. The moves were seen by human rights activists as part of a concerted campaign to suppress political debate in the kingdom.[103]
Abhisit established www.protecttheking.net, a one-stop shop website for people to report on activities and websites that they deemed offensive to the King and the aristocracy. However, government officials forgot to renew the domain name registration and the domain was eventually hijacked by a financial firm that helped in "lining your pockets with financial savings."
In March 2009, police raided the offices of Prachatai, an online newspaper critical of the government, on grounds that the newspaper had insulted the monarchy. Two days later, Abhisit met with hand-picked representatives of Thai internet users and vowed to respect freedom of expression while developing new internet norms and standards.[104]
Despite Abhisit's efforts to censor critical voices, Privy councilor Air Chief Marshal Kamthon Sindhavananda complained that the Abhisit government appeared to be "on the defensive" and was slow in responding. In response, Abhisit pledged to "improve mechanisms to safeguard the royal institution…" and reaffirmed that "protecting the monarchy is the government's top priority".[18]
Censorship activities undertaken by Abhisit's government included blocking foreign websites, shutting down local websites, banning publications, and manipulating television coverage. The stated rationale for most of the censorship was "national security" and "protecting the monarchy." There were reports from television news editors that manipulation of TV news coverage by Abhisit was worse than during the Thaksin government. For example, news coverage of the UDD's protests during March 2010 focused strongly on conveying the threat of impending violence, even though the protests were non-violent in planning and implementation.[105][106] The Ministry of Information and Communication Technologies (MICT) claimed that it blocked up to 300 sites a day for containing radical political views.[107]
Foreign Minsiter Mr. Katsuya Okada affirms strong ties between Japan and Thailand, showing that he still has confidence in the Thai economy. The meeting covers the exchange of ideas on different matters, relationships in trade and the investment of the two countries. For the case of project classifications and activities that affect Map Ta Phut area. Abhisit explained and clarified that him and the National Environment Board (NEB) has been studying on guidelines and has established a clear framework on this matter. For the case of the dead Japanese journalist during the political event, Prime Minister explained that the case progressed in many keystones with the use technology to assist in the investigation, both witness and DNA testing. The Japanese are satisfied and the case is to go forward.[108]
Abhisit Vejjajiva is willing to reinstate the Thai ambassador if Cambodia really cancelled Thaksin's advisor position. The Ambassador of Thailand is set to return to duty in Cambodia tomorrow (24 August 2010) after today (23 August 2010) the Cambodian has issued statements about former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the self- exiled former premier of Thailand, resigning as an economic advisor to the Cambodian government. After a nine months of diplomatic conflict between the two countries, the resign of Thaksin ends the term of recalling back the Thai Ambassador tacitly. Vice versa, the Cambodian ambassador reinstate to Thailand as well.
"Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya gave an interview to the media on the latest development in Thai-Cambodian relations after the Cambodian authorities have announced that Police Lieutenant Colonel Thaksin Shinawatra has resigned from his position as Advisor to the Royal Government of Cambodia and thus no longer has any connection with the Royal Government of Cambodia. As a consequence, the situation leading to the recall of the Thai Ambassador from Phnom Penh has effectively been resolved. In this regard, the Foreign Minister has instructed Ambassador Prasas Prasasvinitchai, Thai Ambassador to Cambodia, to return to Phnom Penh to resume his duties on 24 August 2010. The Foreign Minister expressed his appreciation to the Royal Government of Cambodia for paving the way for Thai-Cambodian relations to move forward." [109][110][111]
Abhisit appointed Peoples Alliance for Democracy leader Kasit Piromya as Foreign Minister. Prior to his appointment, Kasit had led anti-Cambodia protests and called Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen a "gangster" (he later claimed the word he used actually meant "a person who is lionhearted, a courageous and magnanimous gentleman"). In April 2009, "large-scale fighting" erupted between Thai and Cambodian troops amid the 900-year-old ruins of the Preah Vihear Hindu temple near the Cambodian border. The Cambodian government claimed its army had killed at least four Thais and captured 10 more, although the Thai government denied that any Thai soldiers were killed or injured. Two Cambodian soldiers were killed and three Thai soldiers were killed. Both armies blamed the other for firing first and denied entering the other's territory.[112][113]
On 4 November 2009, Cambodia announced that Thaksin Shinawatra had been appointed a special advisor to the Cambodian government and to Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. Thaksin had been residing in exile in Dubai, and continued to live there after the appointment. On 5 November 2009, Abhisit recalled Thailand's ambassador from Cambodia in protest.[114] Abhisit said Cambodia was interfering in Thailand's internal affairs and as a result all bi-lateral co-operation agreements would be reviewed.[114][114] In retaliation, Cambodia announced it was withdrawing its ambassador from Thailand.[115][116] Sok An, a member of the Council of Ministers and Deputy Prime Minister of Cambodia, said Thaksin's appointment is a decision internal to Cambodia.[116] "We are looking forward to learning from Thaksin's great economic experience and we are convinced that his experience will contribute to our country's economic development," said a Cambodia government spokesman.[117] The mutual withdrawal of ambassadors was the most severe diplomatic action to have occurred between the two countries since the Franco-Thai war of 1940-41 during which Thailand regained Preah Vihear.[116]
The increase in tensions between Cambodia and Thailand caused Abhisit's popularity to skyrocket, with support tripling according to one poll after diplomatic ties were downgraded.[118] However, his rise in popularity was short-lived, and soon fell dramatically.[119]
On 11 November 2009, Sivarak Chutipong was arrested by Cambodian police for passing the confidential flight plans of Thaksin and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to Kamrob Palawatwichai, First Secretary of the Royal Thai Embassy in Cambodia. Sivarak was a Thai engineer working in Cambodia for Cambodia Air Traffic Service, the private firm which manages air traffic control in Cambodia.[120] Sivarak denied that he was a spy, and the Thai government claimed that he was innocent and that the incident was a Thaksin/Cambodian plot to further damage relations between the two countries. The Thai First Secretary was expelled from Cambodia. Sivarak demanded that former Firt Secretary Kamrob speak out and restore his damaged reputation by confirming he was not involved in a spy ring. Kamrob refused to provide comment to the press throughout the controversy, and Kasit's secretary, Chavanond Intarakomalyasut, insisted that although that there was no misconduct on the part of the First Secretary or Sivarak, there would be no statement from Kamrob.[121] Sivarak's mother appeared often on Thai television, pleading for the government to assist her son.
Sivarak was later sentenced to jail for 7 years. Thaksin personally requested the Cambodian government to pardon Sivarak, and he was soon pardoned by King Norodom Sihamoni and expatriated. Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban later accused Sivarak of staging his own arrest in order to discredit the Abhisit government.[122] Former Thai spy chief and Foreign Minister Prasong Soonsiri concurred, claiming, "It has been a set-up from the beginning."[123]
On 18 December 2009, Jatuporn Prompan, a lawmaker from the Puea Thai party, revealed confidential memos sent from Kasit to Abhisit outlining a plot to assassinate Thaksin. Chawanon Intharakomansut, the secretary to the Thai Foreign Minister, said Sunday that while the memo did actually exist, Jatuporn had blown it out of proportion.[124]
Abhisit and the Prime Minister of Vietnam, met Friday, July 10, 2009 to discuss how to address the global economic crisis. Abhisit arrived in Hanoi for an one-day visit with his Vietnamese counterpart Nguyễn Tấn Dũng. The two reviewed an honor guard before heading for an hour-and-half talks behind closed doors.[125] "Your visit will contribute to expanding and deepening the friendship and multifaceted cooperation between Vietnam and Thailand," Dung told his guest during the five-minute photo opportunity.
In a regular press conference on July 9, Foreign Ministry spokesman Le Dung told reporters that the two prime ministers were expected to discuss how each is dealing with the financial crisis,[126] discuss the rice trade, tourism, transport links and protection of the Mekong River.[127] Thailand is the world's leading exporter of the grain while Vietnam is ranked second. Thailand and Vietnam are important trading partners, and their bilateral trade reached $6.5 billion in 2008. Thailand also ranked ninth among foreign investors in Vietnam, having poured nearly $6 billion into the country. Vietnam, which has recorded average economic growth of 7 percent over the past decade, saw its economy expand only 3.9 percent in the first half of 2009.[128]
The global economic crisis had a major impact on Thailand. Unemployment in January 2009 soared by 880,000 compared to December 2008.[129] In early 2009, the economy was expected to contract 3% during the year - the actual full year decline was 2.3%[130][131]
Abhisit responded to the crisis with borrowing and increasing the budget deficit, handouts, and general budget cuts. In order to finance his stimulus program, Abhisit successfully rescinded a law that banned it from borrowing more than 20% percent of its spending.[132] In January 2009, a 117 billion baht stimulus package was unveiled. In May, a 1.4 trillion baht package was unveiled, requiring borrowing of 800 billion baht (22 billion USD). Most of the money would be spent on infrastructure, mostly transportation.[133]
Abhisit approved the one-time issuance of 2,000 Baht (approximately 75 USD) checks to people making less than 15,000 Baht (approximately $500) a month.[134]
By the end of the first quarter of 2010, the Thai economy has grown 3.8% more than the forth quarter of 2009 and at the year over year rate of 12%, the fastest rate since 1995.[135]
Abhisit promised to enforce the rule of law and prosecute the 21 Peoples Alliance for Democracy leaders who were responsible for seizing Don Muang and Suvarnabhumi Airports. As of February 2010, arrest warrants had not been issued for the airport seizures.[136] On 24 February 2010, government prosecutors deferred a decision for the 8th time to decide whether to indict the nine leaders of the PAD over the 7-month long seizure of Government House. The prosecutors claimed that they could not make the decision because the PAD leaders "were busy in other provinces" at the time.
The PAD led a demonstration of over a thousand people at UNESCO protesting the listing of Preah Vihear Temple as World Heritage Site. At the time, Abhisit had established a State of Emergency to suppress UDD rallies against his government, outlawing political gatherings of more than 5 people. The PAD protest went ahead without any hindrance, and the protest leaders met with Abhisit afterwards at Government House.[137] The government refused to press charges against the Yellow Shirt protesters. The PAD then led a another Preah Vihear protest in the Din Daeng area, which Abhisit attended in person.[138]
In March 2009, Thaksin Shinawatra claimed via video broadcast that Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda masterminded the 2006 military coup, and that Prem and fellow Privy Councilor members Surayud Chulanont and Chanchai Likhitjittha conspired with the military to ensure that Abhisit became Premier. Although Abhisit denied the accusations, thousands protested in Bangkok early April demanding that Abhisit resign from the Premiership and that Prem, Surayud, and Chanchai resign from the Privy Council.[139] Thaksin called for a "peoples revolution" to overcome the alleged aristocratic influences of the Abhisit government. The protests, led by the red-shirted National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) expanded to Pattaya, the site of the Fourth East Asia Summit. Violent clashes occurred between the UDD and blue-shirted government supporters.[140] The protests caused the summit to be cancelled, leading Abhisit to declare a state of emergency in the areas of Pattaya and Chonburi on April 11. Legislation authorizing emergency decrees was originally pushed through Parliament in 2005 by the Thaksin government, provoking charges of authoritarianism at the time by Abhisit.[141] Under the state of emergency, gatherings of more than five people were prohibited and the press was not permitted to present news which could incite worry.[142]
On 12 April, protesters surrounded Abhisit's limousine at the Interior Ministry in Bangkok and hurled objects at his windows. Abhisit made it out safely while one of his deputies was wounded by the protesters. Government spokesman Panitan Wattanayakorn said that Abhisit's inner circle viewed the attack as a well-coordinated assassination attempt, claiming that security footage of the incident showed men with masks and guns were positioned on the perimeter of the attack, apparently waiting for protesters to break through the car's bulletproof windows.[143] However, this view was not corroborated by security agencies.
As the week-long Songkran (Thai New Year) holiday began, protests escalated in Bangkok. Fighting erupted between anti-government protesters, government supporters, and the general population.[144] Abhisit declared a state of emergency for Bangkok and surrounding areas due to heightened escalation of tension and denounced the anti-government protesters as "national enemies".[145] Abhisit also issued a decree that empowered the government to censor television broadcasts.[146] A television journalist reported that he was ordered not to show images damaging to the military or government.[147] Before the bloodshed, Thaksin appealed on a D-Station television broadcast for King Bhumibol to intervene and end the showdown.[148]
In the pre-dawn of Monday April 13, Army soldiers used tear gas and fired live and training rounds to clear protesters from the Din Daeng intersection near the Victory Monument in central Bangkok, injuring at least 70 people.[149] [150] The Army later claimed that live rounds were only fired into the air while training rounds were fired at the crowd. However, Human Rights Watch confirmed that there were some cases where the Army fired live ammunition directly at protesters.[151] The UDD claimed that dozens of protesters died from gunshot wounds sustained during the military's attack.[152][153] However, the Army later claimed that the wounds were not caused by an M-16, the standard Army rifle. Also on Monday the government ordered the blocking of satellite news station D Station, an affiliate of the UDD which, at the time, was broadcasting the clashes. Several community radio stations were shut down and searched upon suspicion of supporting the UDD.[154] Violent clashes at numerous locations in Bangkok continued while arrest warrants were issued for Thaksin and 13 protest leaders. Some protest leaders voluntarily gave themselves in to police on 14 April 2009.[155] Government House protesters were identified and had their photographs taken prior to being released. Afterwards, Abhisit issued warrants for dozens of other protest leaders and revoked Thaksin's ordinary passport.[156]
According to government figures, over 120 people were injured in the unrest, most of them UDD demonstrators although some military personnel, pro-government supporters, and members of the general public were also injured.[157] At least one UDD protester died from gunshot wounds sustained during the military's attack in Din Daeng, although the Army claimed the wound was not caused by their standard firearm. The UDD later claimed that at least 6 demonstrators were killed in the unrest and their bodies hauled away by the military; however, they had no evidence for their claim.[158] The dead bodies of 2 UDD protesters were found floating in the Chao Phraya river, their hands tied behind their backs and their bodies badly beaten, although police had yet to conclude whether their murders were politically motivated.[159] Abhisit aide Satit Wongnontaey claimed that two government supporters were shot dead by red shirted protesters in clashes in Din Daeng, although he had no evidence for his claim.[160] The Bangkok Metropolitan Administration estimated that it had incurred 10 million Baht (approximately 300,000 USD) in property damages, including 31 damaged and burned buses.[161] Standard & Poor's lowered Thailand's local currency rating to "A-" from "A", although Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij claimed this would increase the government's borrowing cost minimally.[162]
On 21 April, Abhisit declared a "media war" designed to attack the UDD's claims. He also announced the public distribution of millions of VCDs documenting the government's views on the unrest. At the time, the government's emergency and censorship decrees were still in place.[163][164] The state of emergency, but not the censorship decree, was lifted on 24 April.[165]
Abhisit's treatment of the UDD prompted criticisms that he applied one standard to his opposition and another to the PAD. The Asian Human Rights Commission noted "The obvious differences in how the yellow shirts and red shirts have been treated will only encourage government opponents to resort to increasingly extralegal means to get their way." At the time, warrants had not yet been issued for the PAD's peaceful airport seizures that occurred months before, while warrants had been issued for the UDD hours after the violence erupted.[166] In an interview with the Financial Times, Abhisit said "I can understand [the UDD] feeling the cases against PAD have been slow. The problem is that PAD action didn't take place during my administration and the process that began to investigate." When the interviewer noted that the airport sieges ended just two weeks before Abhisit came to power, he claimed that "I have summoned the police chief and expressed my concern that the case is ruling slowly and they have made some progress."[167]
Gunmen attempted to assassinate PAD leader Sondhi Limthongkul on 17 April 2009. Sondhi was wounded in the attack.[168][169]
Sondhi's son, Jittanart Limthongkul, blamed factions within the military and the Abhisit government of being behind the assassination attempt:
"A new form of war is emerging -- it's being launched by the collusion of certain police and military officers. They are plotting a new coup. It is said that a minister, who is said to be involved in the attempted assassination of a privy councillor, is actively behind this new exercise."[15]
Privy Councillor Charnchai Likitjitta had also been the target of an unsuccessful assassination plot. The Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for a close aide to Deputy Prime Minister and senior Democrat Party figure Sanan Kachornprasart, on the grounds that the aide masterminded the alleged assassination attempt on Charnchai.[170]
Thaksin also implied that forces within the government were behind the attack:
It's [the Abhisit] government that has been given the license to kill [due to the state of emergency]. And I have the impression that the phase of "cut-off killings" has begun -- in other words, they are eliminating anyone who knows too much about the conspiracy of those in power against me.[16]
However, Foreign Minister and former PAD leader Kasit Piromya claimed that Thaksin was behind the assassination attempt:
"Thaksin failed on the populist movement and now I think he has resorted to some sort of assassination attempt."[17]
Kasit revealed that he had planned to have lunch with the Sondhi on the day of the attack. Kasit also claimed that himself, Abhisit, Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij, and Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban were planned targets for assassination, and that he was guarded by several fully armed marines.[171][172]
Army chief Anupong Paojinda said that the M16 rifle shells found at the scene were issued to the Royal Thai Army's 9th Infantry Division, which is under the First Army Region headquartered in Bangkok. Gen Anupong added that the rounds were from stores used for shooting practice, but that it would be very difficult to narrow down from which unit the ammunition actually came.[173][174]
GT200 bomb detection devices were first procured in 2006 by coup-leader General Sonthi Boonyaratklin, while he was chairman of the military junta.[175] Suthep Duangchinda, a party list parliamentary candidate of the Democrat Party, is Director of Avia Satcom Co. Ltd.,the local distributor of the devices.[176][177] Avia Satcom is also a partner of Saab, the Swedish defense firm which sold JAS-39 Gripen jet-fighters worth 34.4 billion baht (US$1.1 billion) to the junta.[178] As of October 209, over 500 GT200 units, procured at over a million baht per unit, were being used by the Thai government.[179]
The UK government banned the export of the GT200 devices and warned that they were "wholly ineffective" at detecting bombs and explosives. However, Abhisit defended his government's the use of the devices, while noting that "sometimes if the user hasn't had enough rest or is not well-prepared, the detector's effectiveness will be reduced." He suggested procuring battery-powered devices to replace the GT200 units.[180] Rising discontent among the public led Abhisit to promise that he would raise the matter at a Cabinet meeting.
However, prominent members of Abhisit's government continued to defend the effectiveness of the devices. Democrat Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban asserted that the GT200 actually works and that it is not necessary to establish a committee to study its effectiveness.[181] Democrat MP and Deputy Interior Minister Thaworn Senneam told journalists after a fatal bomb attack in Southern Thailand on 6 October 2009 that the police had failed to detect the bomb "because the officer handling the GT200 detector was too nervous... His nervousness caused his temperature to rise which, in turn, caused the bomb detector to malfunction." He announced that in future two officers would be assigned to use the device, with the second ready to take over from the first if he was "not ready to use it."[182] Dr. Kalaya Sophonpanich, Minister of Science Technology also defended the use of the devices. "Regarding people's beliefs, some kinds of beliefs are harmless. If these beliefs make people comfortable, we should just leave them alone, shouldn't we? Some people are happy to worship trees, for example. We don't need to disturb them, do we?" she told a meeting with Thai students and scientists in London.[183]
Army Chief Anupong Paochinda accused the press of being hired by Asia Satcom's competitors. He organized a demonstration to "prove" to the media that the devices worked. 4th Army chief Lt. General Pichet Wisaijorn told the press, "It is not Gen Anupong saying the device is effective. Officers in the South and the North and the current and former 4th Army commanders also say the same thing. We have bought them and if the users insist they are good, that's end of the discussion."[184] Joint Military Police Civilian Taskforce commander Lt-General Kasikorn Kirisri said any issues with the GT200 scanner were due to human error.[185] Pornthip Rojanasunand, Director of the Central Institute of Forensic Science, had used GT200 devices to concluded that PAD protestor injuries during the 2008 seizure of Government House were due to police misconduct rather than accidental explosion of protester "ping pong bombs", and defended the use of the GT200 devices, claiming that they were effective when searching for bombs and even nails under water. She noted "I do not feel embarrassed if the bomb detector is proven ineffective. Personally, I have never handled the device myself. But my people have used it and it is accurate every time. Long long time ago, people believed that the Earth is flat and anyone who said otherwise faced execution. Things which are not visible does not necessarily mean they do not exist."[186]
After Thai government tests showed that the GT200 was useless in detecting explosives, the government reported the results to military field personnel. However, it did not ban or stop use of the units, leaving the matter up to the discretion of individual soldiers.[187][188]
In July 2009, Abhisit claimed that violence in Southern Thailand decreased since his government took over in December. His claim was contradicted by Deep South Watch, an academic think-tank at the Prince of Songkhla University in Pattani province, which showed that violence has actually increased since the beginning of the year.[189]
Abhisit faced rising public discontent with his government and near-constant rumors of a military coup. In December 2009, pro-Abhisit academic Chirmsak Pinthong wrote an influential article in Naew Nah newspaper where he said that the nation was already in a state of civil war, although the slaughter had yet to begin.[190] Abhisit enacted numerous security measures throughout February and March in order to suppress protests against his government.
Despite the gruesomeness of the March protests, Abhisit’s government also made a concerted effort to focus less on the personal nature of these protests and more on what it is touting as ‘red disunity.’ Immediately after the events of mid-March, Abhisit stated that he would talk to the red shirt leadership, but not to Thaksin, their exiled leader. He criticised Thaksin’s wealth and extravagance, carving a contrast between the alleged opulence of the premier’s house and the humbler, agrarian roots of many of the demonstrators. Shortly after, he also directly condemned his opponent’s self-proclaimed affinity with the ordinary people, the ‘phrai’, arguing that Thaksin was far closer to the ‘ammart’, or the traditional elites in Thailand’s army, bureaucracy, and political parties.[191]
On 26 February 2010, the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions was scheduled to deliver its verdict on whether to seize Thaksin Shinawatra's 76 billion baht in assets that the military junta had frozen years earlier. Prior to the verdict, Abhisit established 38 security centers in the North and Northeast to facilitate crackdowns against expected anti-government protests. 5,000 Army troops (54 companies) were deployed in 200 checkpoints to prevent protesters from entering Bangkok. In total, about 20,000 security personnel were deployed.[192] He also escalated efforts to monitor community radio stations, which were often used by rural residents to voice their discontent and by activists to organize protests.[193]
At noon of 1 February, bags of excrement and pla ra were thrown into Abhisit's house. Abhisit linked the incident to Thaksin's assets seizure trial.[194] Deputy PM Suthep explicitly blamed the UDD for the incident.[195] Afterwards, the perpetrator was arrested. The perpetrator confessed and claimed that he threw the excrement because he was fed up with police indifference to his complaints of people smoking cigarettes near his house.[196]
On 7 February 2010, Abhisit's spokesperson compared anti-government protesters to "dogs" and vowed to use the National Telecommunications Commission to crack down on red shirt community radio stations. He noted that if using the NTC to enforce the media crackdown was illegal, the government would try to pass a special law that would make such a crackdown legal.[197] The NTC acting Secretary-General was also a member of the government-appointed Situation Monitoring Committee in the run up to Thaksin's February court verdict.[198] The government claimed to foreign diplomats and foreign chambers of commerce that the UDD would "spark violence" and "intensify its agitation and step up protests in Bangkok and around the country in order to disrupt the work of the government and the judiciary."[199] However, the UDD announced that it would not rally on 26 February, and announced a rally on 14 March.[200] No major protests were held on 26 February or immediately afterwards, other than a small non-violent gathering in front of the Supreme Court that did not disrupt the ruling.
Abhisit stepped up security measures to suppress the UDD protest scheduled for Sunday 14 March. The UDD called for the government to hold elections. In the weeks prior to the protest more checkpoints were set up to inspect protester caravans from entering Bangkok, especially from coming from UDD strongholds in the North and Northeast. Suthep warned members of Cabinet that they and their families might become targets of UDD attacks. Suthep also accused the Pheu Thai party of hiring people to take part in the protests, an allegation that the party denied. Pheu Thai party spokesman Prompong Nopparit challenged Suthep to provide evidence backing the accusations.[201]
A government/military situation center for managing the protest, officially called the Centre for the Administration of Peace and Order (CAPO, also known by its Thai acronym of Sor Or Ror Sor), was established at the 11th Infantry Regiment in Bangkhen under the Internal Security Operations Command and under the control of Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban.[202] Pro-government elements in the Northeast issued threats to deter people from leaving for the capital.[203] Police warned bus operators transporting people to Bangkok without official permission would result in revocation of their concessions.[204]
Abhisit informed the Democrat Party-led Bangkok Metropolitan Administration that he had intelligence of planned bomb attacks in at least two locations and grenade attacks in 30-40 locations in Bangkok.[205] Abhisit also claimed to have received intelligence that there was a terrorist threat of sabotage taking place on March 14. When questioned about the matter, Army spokesman Colonel Sansern Kaewkamnerd said the Army had no such intelligence.[206]
On 7 March, it was reported to the public that 6,000 assault rifles and explosives had been stolen from Engineering Regiment 401, part of the 4th Army Engineering Battalion in Patthalung a week earlier.[207][208] Anonymous sources claimed that the weapons were headed to Bangkok where they would be used to incite unrest, a claim that protest leaders denied.[209][210] A government raid on a car component factory revealed parts that allegedly could be used to launch M79 grenades. Democrat Party spokesman Dr. Buranaj Smutharaks claimed that this showed that "there are violent elements" among the UDD.[211] However, Government Spokesperson Panitan later admitted that there was no evidence of a link between the parts and the UDD.[212] On 9 March, Abhisit imposed the Internal Security Act from 11–23 March and relocated to CAPO.[213][214] A 50,000-strong security force was deployed on Bangkok.[215]
The 14 March protests were the largest in Thai history, and were peaceful.[216] However, Thailand's free-to-air TV channels, all controlled by the government or military, claimed that there were only 25,000 protesters.[106] However, there were dozens of bombings in Bangkok over the following weeks, with nobody claiming responsibility and no arrests made. There were dozens of bombings in Bangkok over the weeks, far from the protest areas, with nobody claiming responsibility and no arrests made. A Porsche was rammed into protester motorcycles at Rajprasong intersection, injuring several. In a separate incident, a woman rammed her car into a crowd of protesters, but drove away before she could be arrested.[217]
Negotiations between the protesters and the government failed to result in a resolution of the situation. The protesters insisted that Abhisit dissolve Parliament and call fresh elections. The government refused to do so before it had amended the constitution in nine months. The government claimed that the protests were illegal and attempted to evict the protesters without a court order.[218] Protesters later expanded their protest from Phan Fah Bridge to Rajaprasong intersection, a major Bangkok commercial zone.[219]
Abhisit declared a state of emergency on the evening of 8 April. Troops barricaded the uplink station for the Thaicom satellite to prevent it from airing People Channel, a popular TV station sympathetic to the UDD. Protesters surrounded the station in the afternoon of 9 April. Tear gas was fired into the crowd, prompting the protesters to storm the station and the troops to withdraw.[220][221][222]
On 10 April, a violent clash occurred when government troops unsuccessfully tried to take back control of the Phan Fah Bridge protest site.[223] Twenty-three people were killed in the conflict, including a Japanese cameraman, a number of uniformed soldiers.[224][225][226] More than 800 people were injured.[227] Troops used live rounds, rubber bullets, and tear gas in the clash while protesters used rocks, sticks, petrol bombs and, according to Abhisit, grenades. The military noted that uniformed soldiers died from cerebral edema (a swelling of the brain) after being hit on the head by thrown rocks.[228]
On April 16, security forces raided a hotel attempting to arrest protest leaders whom Suthep Thaugsuban called "terrorists." The protest leaders escaped before they could be captured.[229] That same day, Abhisit relieved Suthep from his security responsibilities and replaced him with the Commander of the Royal Thai Army General Anupong Paochinda.[230] Tensions continued to grow, as pro-government rallies started to appear alongside the anti-government ones. On 22 April, a series of explosions in Bangkok killed at least one person and injured more than 85 others, including four foreigners. At least some of the explosions were caused by grenades, which the government claimed were fired from the Red Shirt encampment.[231][232]
Abhisit was highly critical of Thaksin throughout his time in power. Through his spokesperson, Panithan Wattanayakorn, he accused Thaksin of funding the red-shirt UDD movement from abroad. When UDD leaders and Thaksin denied the accusation and demanded proof for the government's accusations, Deputy Premier Suthep noted that it still did not have any confirmation as to any transfers.[233][234] Afterwards, Matichon newspaper reported that "unnamed sources" at the Democrat Party accused numerous unnamed Thaksin-supporters of financing the movement: "S" who is a former Minister, "P" who is a real estate tycoon and former Minister, "P" who owns a beverage business, "S" who owns a department store, and "W" who is a lawyer.[235]
Abhisit has also denied the legitimacy of Thaksin’s leadership of the UDD and has refused to deal directly with Thaksin. Abhisit argued that Thaksin’s wealth and corrupt background were at odds with the UDD’s largely agrarian and working-class membership and ideologies, and that this hypocrisy undermined the red shirts’ demands for fairer politics led by a less elite government.[191]
In the days before the verdict of the Supreme Court's seizure of Thaksin's assets was announced, Abhisit announced that he would possibly forgive Thaksin if Thaksin showed remorse.[236]
Abhisit enacted measures that required approximately 1.5 million migrants to register with the government under a new time-consuming system that involves verifying the migrants' identities with their home governments, or be arrested and deported. The deadline for compliance, initially February 28, 2010, was extended to March 2 after several hundred thousand migrants failed to appear. Although migrant labor from Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and elsewhere make up 5%-10% of Thailand's work force, migrants are critical in keeping Thailand's wages competitive with China. Human-rights groups noted that migrants have plenty of reasons to fear declaring themselves, including a history of past mistreatment, including bribery, rape, and arbitrary arrest, by Thai authorities. Other migrant workers worry that information about their activities will be shared with their home governments, exposing them or their families to harassment.[237]
According to a survey by Assumption University's Abac Poll around the end of May 2009, Abhisit received a 70% Approval rating, the highest within the Cabinet. The overall approval rating for the government was 59% "rather much or much" satisfied and 9.4% at "very much" satisfied. Overall the government was rated 6.5 out of 10 by a majority of respondents.[238]
In the first round of by-elections after the House of Representatives elected Abhisit Vejjajiva as the Prime Minister, Abhisit's coalition extended its majority by 20 seats out of 29 contested seats.[239] June by-elections in Sakon Nakhon were expected to be a shoo-in for the government-member Bhum Jai Thai Party due to its control over the powerful Ministry of Interior. However, Bhum Jai Thai was roundly defeated by the Thaksin-affiliated Puea Thai Party.[240]
Abhisit approved the creation of Bueng Kan province (บึงกาฬ), presently part of Nong Khai province. The stated rationale for the creation of the province was to improve the luck of the nation by providing it with a lucky number of provinces (77).[241] Abhisit's Cabinet approved the matter on 3 August 2010, and is in the process of submitting it to Parliament.
Former Thai Rak Thai MPs Suporn Atthawong and Thirachai Saenkaew accused Abhisit of unusual wealth. The accusers were charged with defamation; Suporn was given a 12-month suspended jail sentence and a 20,000 Baht fine, while Thirachai was given a six-month suspended jail sentence and a 10,000 Baht fine, and both were put on probation for two years.[242]
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Preceded by Chaovarat Chanweerakul Acting |
Prime Minister of Thailand 2008 – Present |
Incumbent |
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