Quechua | ||
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Qhichwa Simi / Runa Shimi / Runa Simi | ||
Pronunciation | ['qʰeʃ.wa 'si.mi] ['χetʃ.wa 'ʃi.mi] [kitʃ.wa 'ʃi.mi] [ʔitʃ.wa 'ʃi.mi] ['ɾu.nɑ 'si.mi] | |
Spoken in | ||
Region | Andes | |
Total speakers | 10.4 million (very approximate estimate) | |
Ranking | 69 | |
Language family | —
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Writing system | Latin alphabet | |
Official status | ||
Official language in | Peru and Bolivia. | |
Regulated by | None official | |
Language codes | ||
ISO 639-1 | qu | |
ISO 639-2 | que | |
ISO 639-3 | que – Quechua (generic) many varieties of Quechua have their own codes. |
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Linguasphere | ||
![]() with major to minor Quechua-speaking regions. |
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Note: This page may contain IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. |
Quechua is a Native American language family or macrolanguage spoken primarily in the Andes of South America, derived from an original common ancestor language, Proto-Quechua. It is the most widely spoken language family of the indigenous peoples of the Americas, with a total of probably some 6 to 8 million speakers (estimates vary widely). Some speakers of Quechua also call it 'runa simi' (or regional variants thereof), literally 'people speech', although 'runa' here has the more specific sense of indigenous Andean people.
There are few sharp boundaries between what might be identified as specific 'languages' within the Quechua family, which consists of large zones of dialect continua, although three major regions can be distinguished:
Speakers from different points within any one of these major regions can generally understand each other reasonably well. There are nonetheless significant local-level differences across each. (Huancayo Quechua, in particular, has several very distinctive characteristics that make this variety distinctly difficult to understand, even for other Central Quechua speakers.) Speakers from different major regions, meanwhile, particularly Central vs Southern Quechua, are not able to communicate effectively.
The lack of mutual intelligibility is the basic criterion that defines Quechua not as a single language, as it is often mistakenly described, but as a language family. The complex and progressive nature of how speech varies across the dialect continua zones make it nearly impossible to put a precise number on how many different Quechua languages or dialects there are; the Ethnologue lists 44.[1] As a reference point, the overall degree of diversity across the family is a little less than that for the Romance or Germanic language families, and more of the order of Slavic or Arabic.
To compare with the historically known language families such as Romance, Germanic, Slavic or Arabic entails considering the linguistic process that explains other cases. Several studies (Alfredo Torero or Rodolfo Cerrón Palomino) show that the oldest form of Quechua appeared in Cajamarquilla, Lima. Afterwards, the main focus of this language was the famous zone of Pachacamac (Lima). A third period of expansion was Chincha (Ica). At this time, the Incas found out that the Quechua was very expanded and decided that this was a tool to get the unification of the Empire. Thus the language began to spread across the Andes more enthusiastically.
Quechua had already expanded across wide ranges of the central Andes long even before the Incas, who were just one among many groups who already spoke forms of Quechua across much of Peru. Quechua arrived at Cuzco and was influenced by languages like Aymara. This fact explains that the Cuzco variety was not the more spread. In similar way, a diverse group of dialects appeared meanwhile the Inca Empire ruled and impose Quechua.
After the Spanish conquest in the 16th century, Quechua continued to see considerable usage, as the general language and main means of communication between the Spaniards and the indigenous population, including for the Roman Catholic Church as a language of evangelisation. The range of Quechua thus continued to expand in some areas.
The oldest written records of the language are those of Fray Domingo de Santo Tomás, who arrived in Peru in 1538 and learned the language from 1540, publishing his Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los reynos del Perú in 1560. [1] [2] [3]
Today, Quechua has the status of an official language in Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador along with Spanish and in the two former also with Aymara. Before the arrival of the Spaniards and the introduction of the Latin alphabet, Quechua had no written alphabet. The Incas kept track of numerical data through a system of quipu (knotted strings).
Currently, the major obstacle to the diffusion of the usage and teaching of Quechua is the lack of written material in the Quechua language, namely books, newspapers, software, magazines, etc. Thus, Quechua, along with Aymara and the minor indigenous languages, remains essentially an oral language.
In recent years, Quechua has been introduced in Intercultural bilingual education (IBE) in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru, which is, however reaching only a part of the Quechua-speaking population.
Quechua and Spanish are now heavily intermixed, with many hundreds of Spanish loanwords into Quechua. Conversely, Quechua phrases and words are commonly used by Spanish speakers. In southern rural Bolivia, for instance, many Quechua words such as wawa (infant), michi (cat), waska (strap, or thrashing) are as commonly used as their Spanish counterparts, even in entirely Spanish-speaking areas.
Quechua shares a large amount of vocabulary, and some striking structural parallels, with Aymara, and these two families have sometimes been grouped together as a larger Quechumaran linguistic stock. This hypothesis is generally rejected by most specialists, however; the parallels are better explained by mutual influences and word-borrowing because of intensive and long-term contacts between their speaker populations. Many Quechua-Aymara cognates are close, often closer than intra-Quechua cognates, and there is little relationship in the affixal system.
The native word */qiĉ.wa/ originally referred to the 'temperate valley' altitude ecological zone in the Andes (suitable for maize cultivation). Use of the word to describe the language (by an indirect association) is recorded relatively early in the colonial period, and seems to have been begun by the Spaniards, not Quechua-speakers themselves. The name that native speakers give to their own language is "Runa Simi".[4]
The name quichua is first used by Domingo de Santo Tomás in his Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los reynos del Perú, where he also mentions the mythical origin of the language, also quoted by Pedro Cieza de León and Bernabé Cobo. This myth held that the lengua general (the name by which Quechua was most widely known in the early colonial period) originated with the Quichua people, from modern Andahuaylas Province. The Hispanicised spellings Quechua and Quichua have been used in Peru and Bolivia since the 17th century, especially after the III Lima Council.
This macrolanguage is subdivided as follows, at least according to the traditional classification devised largely by Alfredo Torero and mostly adhered to by Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino. The validity of this classification is strongly disputed, however, by other Quechua linguists, since a number of regional varieties of Quechua, particularly those of Northern Peru (Cajamarca/Inkawasi), Pacaraos and the Yauyos province of the Lima department, do not classify well with either QI or QII and seem to be intermediate between the two branches.
Willem Adelaar largely adheres to the major QI-QII distinction, but does not accept QIIa as a valid unit. Other linguists such as Peter Landerman, Gerald Taylor and Paul Heggarty suggest more radical revisions to the whole classification. Landerman proposes a geographically based nomenclature (as for most other language families such as Germanic or Slavic) which identifies four regions: Northern (Ecuador and some small neighbouring areas); North Peruvian (Cajamarca/Inkawasi); Central (Ancash to Huancayo); Southern (from Huancavelica southwards).
There follows, for reference, the (much disputed) traditional Torero classification.
Proto-Quechua |
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Quechua I or Waywash is spoken in Peru's central highlands. It is the most diverse branch of Quechua,[5] such that its dialects have often been considered different languages.
Quechua II or Wamp'una (Traveler) is divided into three branches:
The number of speakers given varies widely according to the sources. The most reliable figures are to be found in the census results of Peru (1993) and Bolivia (2001), though they are probably altogether too low due to underreporting. The 2001 Ecuador census seems to be a prominent example of underreporting, as it comes up with only 499,292 speakers of all Ecuadorian varieties of Kichwa (Quichua) combined, where other sources estimate between 1.5 and 2.2 million speakers.
Additionally, there may be hundreds of thousands of speakers outside the traditionally Quechua speaking territories, in immigrant communities.
A number of Quechua loanwords have entered English via Spanish, including ayahuasca, coca, cóndor, guano, jerky, llama, pampa, puma, quinine, quinoa, vicuña and possibly gaucho. The word lagniappe comes from the Quechua word yapay ("to increase; to add") with the Spanish article la in front of it, la yapa or la ñapa in Spanish.
The influence on Latin American Spanish includes such borrowings as papa for "potato", chuchaqui for "hangover" in Ecuador, and diverse borrowings for "altitude sickness", in Bolivia from Quechua suruqch'i to Bolivian sorojchi, in Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru soroche.
Quechua has borrowed a large number of Spanish words, such as piru (from pero, but), bwenu (from bueno, good), and burru (from burro, donkey).
The description below applies to Cusco dialect; there are significant differences in other varieties of Quechua.
Quechua uses only three vowel phonemes: /a/ /i/ and /u/, as in Aymara (including Jaqaru). Monolingual speakers pronounce these as [æ] [ɪ] and [ʊ] respectively, though the Spanish vowels /a/ /i/ and /u/ may also be used. When the vowels appear adjacent to the uvular consonants /q/, /qʼ/, and /qʰ/, they are rendered more like [ɑ], [ɛ] and [ɔ] respectively.
Labial | Alveolar | Postalveolar/ Palatal |
Velar | Uvular | Glottal | ||
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Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ||||
Stop | plain | p | t | tʃ | k | q | |
aspirated | pʰ | tʰ | tʃʰ | kʰ | qʰ | ||
ejective | p’ | t’ | tʃ’ | k’ | q’ | ||
Fricative | s | h | |||||
Approximant | j | w | |||||
Lateral | l | ʎ | |||||
Rhotic | ɾ |
None of the plosives or fricatives are voiced; voicing is not phonemic in the Quechua native vocabulary of the modern Cusco variety.
About 30% of the modern Quechua vocabulary is borrowed from Spanish, and some Spanish sounds (e.g. f, b, d, g) may have become phonemic, even among monolingual Quechua speakers.
Quechua has been written using the Roman alphabet since the Spanish conquest of Peru. However, written Quechua is not utilized by the Quechua-speaking people at large due to the lack of printed referential material in Quechua.
Until the 20th century, Quechua was written with a Spanish-based orthography. Examples: Inca, Huayna Cápac, Collasuyo, Mama Ocllo, Viracocha, quipu, tambo, condor. This orthography is the most familiar to Spanish speakers, and as a corollary, has been used for most borrowings into English.
In 1975, the Peruvian government of Juan Velasco adopted a new orthography for Quechua. This is the writing system preferred by the Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua. Examples: Inka, Wayna Qhapaq, Qollasuyu, Mama Oqllo, Wiraqocha, khipu, tampu, kuntur. This orthography:
In 1985, a variation of this system was adopted by the Peruvian government; it uses the Quechua three-vowel system. Examples: Inka, Wayna Qhapaq, Qullasuyu, Mama Uqllu, Wiraqucha, khipu, tampu, kuntur.
The different orthographies are still highly controversial in Peru. Advocates of the traditional system believe that the new orthographies look too foreign, and suggest that it makes Quechua harder to learn for people who have first been exposed to written Spanish. Those who prefer the new system maintain that it better matches the phonology of Quechua, and point to studies showing that teaching the five-vowel system to children causes reading difficulties in Spanish later on.
For more on this, see Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift.
Writers differ in the treatment of Spanish loanwords. Sometimes these are adapted to the modern orthography, and sometimes they are left in Spanish. For instance, "I am Roberto" could be written Robertom kani or Ruwirtum kani. (The -m is not part of the name; it is an evidential suffix.)
The Peruvian linguist Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino has proposed an orthographic norm for all Southern Quechua. This norm, el Quechua estándar or Hanan Runasimi, which is accepted by many institutions in Peru, has been made by combining conservative features of two common dialects: Ayacucho Quechua and Qusqu-Qullaw Quechua (spoken in Cusco, Puno, Bolivia, and Argentina). For instance:
Ayacucho | Cusco | Southern Quechua | Translation |
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upyay | uhyay | upyay | "to drink" |
utqa | usqha | utqha | "fast" |
llamkay | llank'ay | llamk'ay | "to work" |
ñuqanchik | nuqanchis | ñuqanchik | "we (inclusive)" |
-chka- | -sha- | -chka- | (progressive suffix) |
punchaw | p'unchay | p'unchaw | "day" |
To listen to recordings of these and many other words as pronounced in many different Quechua-speaking regions, see the external website The Sounds of the Andean Languages. There is also a full section on the new Quechua and Aymara Spelling.
All varieties of Quechua are very regular agglutinative languages, as opposed to isolating or fusional ones. Their normal sentence order is SOV (subject-object-verb). Their large number of suffixes changes both the overall significance of words and their subtle shades of meaning. Notable grammatical features include bipersonal conjugation (verbs agree with both subject and object), evidentiality (indication of the source and veracity of knowledge), a set of topic particles, and suffixes indicating who benefits from an action and the speaker's attitude toward it, although some languages and varieties may lack of some of these characteristics.
Number | |||
Singular | Plural | ||
Person | First | Ñuqa | Ñuqanchik (inclusive)
Ñuqayku (exclusive) |
Second | Qam | Qamkuna | |
Third | Pay | Paykuna |
In Quechua, there are seven pronouns. Quechua has two first person plural pronouns ("we", in English). One is called the inclusive, which is used when the speaker wishes to include in "we" the person to whom he or she is speaking ("we and you"). The other form is called the exclusive, which is used when the addressee is excluded. ("we without you"). Quechua also adds the suffix -kuna to the second and third person singular pronouns qam and pay to create the plural forms qam-kuna and pay-kuna.
Adjectives in Quechua are always placed before nouns. They lack gender and number, and are not declined to agree with substantives.
Noun roots accept suffixes which indicate person (defining of possession, not identity), number, and case. In general, the personal suffix precedes that of number — in the Santiago del Estero variety, however, the order is reversed.[6] From variety to variety, suffixes may change.
Function | Suffix | Example | (translation) | |
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suffix indicating number | plural | -kuna | wasikuna | houses |
possessive suffix | 1.person singular | -y, -: | wasiy, wasii | my house |
2.person singular | -yki | wasiyki | your house | |
3.person singular | -n | wasin | his/her/its house | |
1.person plural (incl) | -nchik | wasinchik | our house (incl.) | |
1.person plural (excl) | -y-ku | wasiyku | our house (excl.) | |
2.person plural | -yki-chik | wasiykichik | your (pl.) house | |
3.person plural | -n-ku | wasinku | their house | |
suffixes indicating case | nominative | - | wasi | the house (subj.) |
accusative | -(k)ta | wasita | the house (obj.) | |
comitative (instrumental) | -wan | wasiwan | with the house | |
abessive | -naq | wasinaq | without the house | |
dative | -paq | wasipaq | to the house | |
genitive | -p(a) | wasip(a) | of the house | |
causative | -rayku | wasirayku | because of the house | |
benefactive | -paq | wasipaq | for the house | |
locative | -pi | wasipi | at the house | |
directional | -man | wasiman | towards the house | |
inclusive | -piwan, puwan | wasipiwan, wasipuwan | including the house | |
terminative | -kama, -yaq | wasikama, wasiyaq | up to the house | |
transitive | -(rin)ta | wasinta | through the house | |
ablative | -manta, -piqta | wasimanta, wasipiqta | off/from the house | |
adessive | -(ni)ntin | wasintin | the house (obj.) | |
immediate | -raq | wasiraq | first the house | |
interactive | -pura | wasipura | among the houses | |
exclusive | -lla(m) | wasilla(m) | only the house | |
comparative | -naw, -hina | wasinaw, wasihina | than the house |
Adverbs can be formed by adding -ta or, in some cases, -lla to an adjective: allin - allinta ("good - well"), utqay - utqaylla ("quick - quickly"). They are also formed by adding suffixes to demonstratives: chay ("that") - chaypi ("there"), kay ("this") - kayman ("hither").
There are several original adverbs. For Europeans, it is striking that the adverb qhipa means both "behind" and "future", whereas ñawpa means "ahead, in front" and "past".[7] This means that local and temporal concepts of adverbs in Quechua (as well as in Aymara) are associated to each other reversely compared to European languages. For the speakers of Quechua, we are moving backwards into the future (we cannot see it - ie. it is unknown), facing the past (we can see it - ie. we remember it).
The infinitive forms (unconjugated) have the suffix -y (much'a= "kiss"; much'a-y = "to kiss"). The endings for the indicative are:
Present | Past | Future | Pluperfect | |
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Ñuqa | -ni | -rqa-ni | -saq | -sqa-ni |
Qam | -nki | -rqa-nki | -nki | -sqa-nki |
Pay | -n | -rqa(-n) | -nqa | -sqa |
Ñuqanchik | -nchik | -rqa-nchik | -su-nchik | -sqa-nchik |
Ñuqayku | -yku | -rqa-yku | -saq-ku | -sqa-yku |
Qamkuna | -nki-chik | -rqa-nki-chik | -nki-chik | -sqa-nki-chik |
Paykuna | -n-ku | -rqa-(n)ku | -nqa-ku | -sqa-ku |
To these are added various suffixes to change the meaning. For example, -chi is a causative and -ku is a reflexive (example: wañuy = "to die"; wañuchiy = to kill wañuchikuy = "to commit suicide"); -naku is used for mutual action (example: marq'ay= "to hug"; marq'anakuy= "to hug each other"), and -chka is a progressive, used for an ongoing action (e.g., mikhuy = "to eat"; mikhuchkay = "to be eating").
Particles are indeclinable, that is, they do not accept suffixes. They are relatively rare. The most common are arí ("yes") and mana ("no"), although mana can take some suffixes, such as -n/-m (manan/manam), -raq (manaraq, not yet) and -chu (manachu?, or not?), to intensify the meaning. Also used are yaw ("hey", "hi"), and certain loan words from Spanish, such as piru (from Spanish pero "but") and sinuqa (from sino "rather").
Nearly every Quechua sentence is marked by an evidential clitic, indicating the source of the speaker's knowledge (and how certain s/he is about the statement). The enclitic =mi expresses personal knowledge (Tayta Wayllaqawaqa chufirmi, "Mr. Huayllacahua is a driver-- I know it for a fact"); =si expresses hearsay knowledge (Tayta Wayllaqawaqa chufirsi, "Mr. Huayllacahua is a driver, or so I've heard"); =chá expresses high probability (Tayta Wayllaqawaqa chufirchá, "Mr. Huayllacahua is a driver, most likely"). These become =m, =s, =ch after a vowel, although the latter is rarely used in its reduced form and the majority of speakers usually employ =chá, even after a vowel (Mariochá, "He's Mario, most likely").
The evidential clitics are not restricted to nouns; they can attach to any word in the sentence, typically the comment (as opposed to the topic).
Although there is not a lot of literature in Quechua, some works of fiction have been published. Johnny Payne has translated two sets of Quechua oral short stories, one into Spanish and the other into English.
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